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Of the Old Testament texts not found in the Hebrew, Jerome translated Tobit and Judith anew from the Aramaic, and from the Greek the additions to Esther from the Septuagint and the additions to Daniel from Theodotiondistinguishing the additional material with an obelus. He refused to translate the additions to Jeremiah and these texts, Baruch and the Letter of Jeremiahremained excluded from the Vulgate for years.

Other books WisdomEcclesiasticus1 and 2 Maccabees and the Prayer of Manasses [22] are variously found in Vulgate manuscripts with texts derived from the Old Latin sometimes together with Latin versions of other texts found neither in the Hebrew Bible nor in the Septuagint 4 Esdras and Laodiceans.

Their style is still markedly distinguishable from Jerome's. In the 9th century the Old Latin texts of Baruch and the Letter of Jeremiah were introduced [23] into the Vulgate in versions revised by Theodulf of Orleans and are found in a minority of early medieval Vulgate pandect bibles from that date onwards.

Also beginning in the 9th century, Vulgate manuscripts are found that split Ezra and the Nehemiah into separate books called 1 Ezra and 2 Ezra. Critical value[ edit ] In translating the 38 books of the Hebrew Bible Ezra-Nehemiah being counted as one bookJerome was relatively free in rendering their text into Latin, but it is possible to determine that the oldest surviving complete manuscripts of the Masoretic Textwhich date from nearly years after Jerome, nevertheless transmit a consonantal Hebrew text very close to that used by Jerome.

The Vulgate Old Testament texts that were translated from the Greek, whether by Jerome or preserving revised or unrevised Old Latin versions, are early and important secondary witnesses to the Septuagint. Given Jerome's conservative methods and that manuscript evidence from outside Egypt at this early date is very rare, these Vulgate readings have considerable critical interest.

Also valuable from a text-critical perspective is the revised Vulgate text of the Apocalypsea book where there is no clear majority text in the surviving Greek witnesses, as both the Old Latin base text and its revisions show signs of using early Greek texts.

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Prologues[ edit ] In addition to the biblical text Vulgate editions almost invariably print 17 prologues, 16 of which were written by Jerome. Jerome's prologues were written not so much as prologues than as cover letters to specific individuals to accompany copies of his translations.

Because they were not intended for a general audience, some of his comments in them are quite cryptic. These prologues are to the Pentateuch, [27] to Joshua, [28] and to Kings, which is also called the Prologus Galeatus. A recurring theme of the Old Testament prologues is Jerome's preference for the Hebraica veritas i. He stated that the Hebrew text more clearly prefigures Christ than the Greek.

Among the most remarkable of these prologues is the Prologus Galeatus, in which Jerome described an Old Testament canon of 22 books, which he found represented in the letter Hebrew alphabet. Alternatively, he numbered the books as 24, which he described as the 24 elders in the Book of Revelation casting their crowns before the Lamb.

These are the two Jewish numberings of the Jewish canon. The 12 minor prophets are counted as one book, 1 and 2 Samuel as one book, 1 and 2 Kings as one book, Ezra and Nehemiah as one book, and 1 and 2 Chronicles as one book, making a total of 24 books.

Alternatively, Ruth is counted as part of Judges, and Lamentations as part of Jeremiah, for a total of 22 books.

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In addition, many medieval Vulgate manuscripts included Jerome's epistle number 53, to Paulinus bishop of Nolaas a general prologue to the whole Bible. Notably, this letter was printed at the head of the Gutenberg Bible. The regular prologue to the Pauline Epistles in the Vulgate Primum quaeritur defends the Pauline authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrewsdirectly contrary to Jerome's own views — a key argument in demonstrating that Jerome did not write it. The author of the Primum quaeritur is unknown; but it is first quoted by Pelagius in his commentary on the Pauline letters written before ; and as this work also quotes from the Vulgate revision of these letters, it has been proposed that Pelagius or one of his associates may have been responsible for the revision of the Vulgate New Testament outside the Gospels.

At any rate, it is reasonable to identify the author of the preface with the unknown reviser of the New Testament outside the gospels. Adolf von Harnack[48] citing De Bruyne, argued that these notes were written by Marcion of Sinope or one of his followers. Where Vulgate bibles included the Psalter in the Roman version rather than Jerome's Hebraic version this inclusion was occasionally supported by pseudonymous letters between Jerome and Damasus; which subsequently were occasionally attached to Jerome's Gallican Psalter when that supplanted the Hebraic Psalter in the Vulgate in the 9th century.

Many medieval manuscripts also include a pseudonymous prologue from Jerome for the Catholic Epistlescomposed to support the interpolated Comma Johanneum at 1 John 5: Relation with the Old Latin Bible[ edit ] Main article: Jerome himself uses the term "Latin Vulgate" for the Vetus Latina text, so intending to denote this version as the common Latin rendering of the Greek Vulgate or Common Septuagint which Jerome otherwise terms the 'version of the Seventy' ; and this remained the usual use of the term 'Latin Vulgate" in the West for centuries.

Jerome reserves the term 'Septuagint' Septuaginta to refer to the Hexaplar Septuagint. The earliest known use of the term Vulgata to describe the 'new' Latin translation was made by Roger Bacon in the 13th century.

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The individual books varied in quality of translation and style, and different manuscripts and quotations witness wide variations in readings. Some books appear to have been translated several times; the book of Psalms in particular having circulated for over a century in an earlier Latin version the Cyprianic Versionbefore this was superseded by the Old Latin version in the 4th century.

Jerome, in his preface to the Vulgate gospels, commented that there were "as many [translations] as there are manuscripts". The base text for Jerome's revision of the gospels was an Old Latin text similar to the Codex Veronensis ; with the text of the Gospel of John conforming more to that in the Codex Corbiensis.

Hence, "high priest" is rendered princeps sacerdotum in Vulgate Matthew; as summus sacerdos in Vulgate Mark; and as pontifex in Vulgate John. The Vetus Latina gospels had been translated from Greek originals of the Western text-type.

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Comparison of Jerome's Gospel texts with those in Old Latin witnesses, suggests that his revision was substantially concerned with redacting their expanded 'Western' phraseology in accordance with the Greek texts of better early Byzantine and Alexandrian witnesses. One major change introduced by Jerome was to re-order the Latin Gospels. It appears that he followed this order in his programme of work; as his revisions become progressively less frequent and less consistent in the gospels presumably done later.

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Where Jerome sought to correct the Old Latin text with reference to the best recent Greek manuscripts, with a preference for those conforming to the Byzantine text-typethe Greek text underlying the revision of the rest of the New Testament demonstrates the Alexandrian text-type found in the great majuscule pandects of the mid 4th century, most similar to the Codex Sinaiticus.

The reviser's changes generally conform very closely to this Greek text, even in matters of word order; to the extent that the resulting text may be only barely intelligible as Latin.

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This, Jerome said, he had done cursorily when in Rome; but later disowned this version, maintaining that copyists had reintroduced erroneous readings. Until the 20th century, it was commonly assumed that the surviving Roman Psalter represented Jerome's first attempted revision; but more recent scholarship - following de Bruyne - rejects this identification. The Roman Psalter is indeed one of at least five revised versions of the mid-4th-century Old Latin Psalter; but, compared to the four others the revisions in the Roman Psalter are in clumsy Latin, and signally fail to follow Jerome's known translational principles, especially in respect of correcting harmonised readings.

Nevertheless it is clear from Jerome's correspondence especially in his defence of the Gallican Pslater in the long and detailed Epistle [54] that he was familiar with the Roman Psalter text; and consequently it is assumed that this revision represents the Roman text as Jerome had found it.

Jerome's translated texts had to make their way on their own merits. The Old Latin versions continued to be copied and used alongside the Vulgate versions. Commentators such as Isidore of Seville and Gregory the Great Pope from to recognised the superiority of the new version, and promoted it in their works; but the old tended to continue in liturgical use, especially in the Psalter and the biblical Canticles.

In the prologue to Moralia in JobGregory the Great writes: But when argumentation is necessary, I use the evidence sometimes of the new translation, sometimes of the old one, since the Apostolic See, over which by God's grace I preside, uses both". This distinction of "new translation" and "old translation" is regularly found in commentators until the 8th century; but it remained uncertain for those books that had not been revised by Jerome the New Testament outside the Gospels, and certain of the deuterocanonical bookswhich versions of the text belonged to the "new" translation and which to the "old".

The earliest Bible manuscript where all books are included in the versions that would later be recognised as "Vulgate" is the 8th-century Codex Amiatinus ; but as late as the 12th century, the Vulgate Codex Gigas retained an Old Latin text for the Apocalypse and the Acts of the Apostles.

Changes to familiar phrases and expressions aroused hostility in congregations, especially in North Africa and Spain; while scholars often sought to conform Vulgate texts to Patristic citations from the Old Latin; and consequently many Vulgate texts became contaminated with Old Latin readings, re-introduced by copyists.

Spanish biblical traditions, with many Old Latin borrowings, were influential in Ireland, while both Irish and Spanish influences are found in Vulgate texts in northern France.

By contrast, in Italy and southern France a much purer Vulgate text predominated; and this is the version of the Bible that became established in England following the mission of Augustine of Canterbury. Influence on Western culture[ edit ] A page from the Codex Amiatinus.

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